INTELLECTUALS AND CORRUPTION BETWEEN MORAL AND POLITICAL FORCES

A-bsiraksi Secara empiris, pernyataan Lord Action hahwa 'manusia yang memiliki kekuasaan cenderung untuk menyalahgunakannya, akan tetapi manusia yang mempunyai kekuasaan absolut sudah pasti akan menyalahgunakannya* adalah untuk para politisi, pemburu kekuasaan, bukan untuk cendekiawan, pelaku budaya, dan kaum moralis. Cendekiawan biasanya memiliki dilemanya sendiri: terlibat dalam kegiatan budaya atau dalam politik praktis, Terkait dengan korupsi, tulisan ini akan menawarkan dua strategi sistematis yang dilakukan kaum cendekiawan dan politisi. Pertama, menggunakan kekuatan moral melalui revitalisasi mental dan keteladanan. Kedua, menerapkan kekuasaan politik dengan penegakan hukum, kebangkitan nasionalisme, peningkatan demokrasi, dan pembaharuan ekonomi.

Intellectuals are those who have school (secular) academic background and Muslim scholars are those who have the basis oipesantren.^Althoughwith different basis in education, the characteristic of their thought has more similarities.Certain basic education couldn't determine whether they are intellectuals or Muslim scholars.There are many factors to make people have two predicates mentioned.In Lewis A. Coser's opinion, the predicate of intellectual has close relationship withtheir academic institution.In his work, Coser stated that some authors tend to classify people graduated from imiversities into intellectuals.^Even,redefining them could start from their position in relation with high education.^RonEyerman and his companions have also the same opinionwith Coserwhen stated that, "Recent studies have defined intellectuals more or less asthey have seen fit, for example, as those with auniversity degree orthose working inspecified profession, such as writers, journalists, teachers and so on"/ Intellectuals usually relates to academic circle.But, to define them only from academic point of view is not appropriate.^AccordingtoRoberto Michels, those who have been half-educated or autodidact are intellectuals as long as they could understand scientific materials.Those who have academic title, therefore, could not be intellectuals and on the contrary, those who have not academic qualification could be intellectuals as far as they have enough knowledge to understand.Herbert Spencer, although he had no academic background, he was well known as the outstanding intellectual.M any definitions on intellectuals actually have been written by many authors.But, it is difficult to limit certain concept as it is, especially in social sciences.^Accordingto Yogendra K. Malik, intellectuals and intelligentsia have been implemented broadly and have a wide definition.Even, the intellectual like Edward Shils, as the best author of intellectual praaices in contemporary social sciences, who, according to S.M. Lipset and Asoke Basu as having a comprehensive definition^is still insufficient indefining intelleauals.'It isproven with the definition ofEdward Shills^°, which doesn't involve any; persons who have activities in production (creation) and consumption (reception) of intellectual works, but also involves general executive roles.
Another definition comes from Roberto Michels which is also very important.According to him, intellectuals are those who have common knowledge, or,inthe narrower meaning, those who make their values based on -Selo Soemardjan, on the other hand, stated that intellectuals are those •who have good reasoning power, interested in things of mind, like art or or idea.^Henceforth, he stated that intellectuals and intelligentsia are basically the same.To strengthen his opinion, he said that, "Something differentiate the meaning from nonintellectual is not their abilities to use their reason capabilities, because everynormal person is inherited with that capabilities.Somethingmakesintellectuals different from nonintellectual is their capabilities to think independently asthe contradiction to follow others' opinion.The concept to think inde pendently includes: observing accurately the phenomenon in a certain environment,un derstanding somecauses of the phenomenon,and its correlationwith other phenomenon; finally, the formulationof the conclusion which couldbe communicated to other person should use the clear language.""Whether the process to think independently be coloured by the established system of belief, or by ideologies which have been invested in a person, and whether the product could or couldn't be accepted objectively or subjeaively, couldn't influence the quality of any persons as intellectuals.However, individualitywho experienced socialization in the existence of culture, almost impossible to avoid cultural power as the former of their sense and opinion.
But, the statement of Selo Soemardjan above is not entirely agreed by Mochtar Buchori, who stated that, "Intelligentsia are those who go to modem universities or those who are specialist or professional.Meanwhile, intellectuals are those who interested in knowledge only be cause their world view is very wide (religion, art, social, and politic).In other words, intelligentsia is a specialist and intelleaual is a generalist"."From the definitions above, it could be concluded that intelleauals are those who -with or without certain academic background-are ableto create, understand knowledge, and implement it in their idea, in-some aspects of sym bolic, rational, creative, independent, and responsible life, on the basis of essen tial values.So, creativityshould be the centralpoint of the whole definitions of intellectuals.
"The creative intellectuals are the most dynamic group within the broad intellectual stratum because they areinnovative, they areat the forefrontin the development ofculture The characteristic orientation of these'generalizing intellectuals' is a criticallyevalu-" SeloSoemardjan,op.cityp.3.
ative one, a tendency to appraise in terms of general conceptions of the desirable, ideal conception which are taught to be universally applicable".'®At the beginning, intellectuals did something because of their curiosity to serve devotedly to truth.It had close relationship to the religious origin dealing with their functions because the clergymen had lastlyfunctioned in playing the role of intellectuals.They didn't have any worldly interest, and, as stated by Benda, it was forbidden to drawthe social and political benefit: "The Clerksareallthosewhose activity essentially isnot the pursuitof practical aims, all those whoseek theirjoyin thepraaiceofanart or ascience or ametaphysical speculation, in short in the possession onnonmaterial advantages, and hence in a certain manner say: "My kingdom is not of this world".'®The attitudes of French intellectuals have effected to Benda and motivated him to write a book on title.La Trahison des Clercs.In his book, Benda thinks that French intellectuals have been traitorous to his moral responsibilities.In this context, he stated that, "French intellectuals had paidattention the practical values more than scientific knowl edge.Intellectuals were estimated asto prostitute sciences for the sake of political status and victory.Morality has been untergeordnet lo politics and not ontheotherway.IfPlato last time followed theopinion that morality determined politics and Machiavelli emerged with his thesis that morality had no relationship with politics, so, French intellectuals emerged with the thesis that politics determined morality Benda will actually remind French intellectuals that their duties are not devoted to political interestbut to maintainthe eternaland abstractvalues which occur for along time (truth, justice, and rationale developing countries and the emergence ofregimes dominated by the military, a spate of studies waspublished dealing with the intellectual in uniform.In most of these studies, the intellectual is portrayed as the modemizer, the formulator of new goals and purposes, as well as the articulator of dissent.^'

C Dilemma ofIntellectuals
Intellectuals often emerge as people tormented by their own sense of alienation, stemming from the clash between the two cultures to which they feel they belong.Part of this picture of intellectuals is also the mannerin which theysee themselves performing thefunction ofrelating universally held human values to the concrete situation in whichtheyfind themselves andto the methods by which they seek to pursue their goals.In this respect, they are continually and crucially concerned with the cultural and moral or normative problems of identity and expression, purpose and direction, structure and meaning, perception and motivation.^®A great deal oftime has passed and a great many events have taken place since Shils started to draw attention to this general topic.This passage of time has been characterized by the collapse of many of the illusions that Shills's intelleauals held when they entered into the era of independence.Many of these men andwomen have had thepreviously unfamiliar experience ofentering into positions of responsibility.A new post-independence generation of intellectuals has emerged, bringingwith them a different sense of life, and often, a more nativistic orientation.Third world intellectuals as they are defined by their dilemmas, by lookingatthemfromthe inside ratherthan fromthe outside, by examining their internal conflict rather than the external pressures to which they are subject.
Despite all the politicalchanges in many of the new nations,the basic role of the intellectual has not changed, mainly because the process of social transformation in which the nation is involved is still going on.Thus the intellectual isstill faced with essentially the same dilemmas analyzed by Shills.
But there have been some important shifts in perspective, and, consequently some changes in the intellectual's sense of self-awareness and in the reslting responses.The first and foremost dilemma remains that of the relationship of intellectuals to power.^Insofar as they have clear ideas about the future of their countries, the goals that have to be pursued, and the manner in which those goals should be pursued, they are inevitably fascinated by power as the unavoidable means to translate their ideas into reality.
Atthe same time, the ambivalence oftheir own attitudes toward power has remained the same.They must come to terms with the slow pace of change, the inevitable compromises that go with administrative responsibility, and the need-in order to buttress their power bases in any political structure -to cater to popular prejudices and preoccupations that they are unable to share.These adjustments do violence to the clarity of their vision of the future and to the directness and vigor that they see as an essential condition for successful implementation.These condi tions all seem tothreaten both their integrity and their continued creativity as intelleauals.Moreover, political and administrative responsibility is concerned with or der and, insofar as change is concerned, with orderly change.New ideas always constitute a threat to the established order.F or many intellectuals, this dilemma was at its sharpest immediately after the attainment ofindependence.What changed inthe light ofpost independence experience was the intellectual's awareness of power, its function, its limits, and its character.Among intellectuals there is now a greater awareness of the need for astrong central government capable of pursuing the goals of nation building and economic development in the face ofintraaable obstacles posed bytradition, ignorance, and backwardness.There is also a greater awareness of the need to establish and develop countervailing forces within the society that can limit abuses of power.The intellectuals ofdeveloping nations have aligned themselves on both sides of this dividing line, their places determined mainly by temperament and incidental factors.But, whatever their place, itis clear to all of them that a sufficiently large number ofintelleauals should stay outside ofthe government, outside of direct political involvement, to strengthen and nurture theintellectual institutions and voluntary association needed to secure abalance between state power and the power ofsociety This is aprecondition for freedom and civility in the political system.^"T his first dilemma isthesame as Julien Benda's opinion; see, S. Tasrif, op.cit, p. 111.
The continued inability ofmany nations to overcome economic stagnation, despite all the national efforts for development, has pointed up another important role for the intellectual.It is to make them aware toward their responsibility considering the political and social impact oftheir action.^^Inthiscase, Nurcholish Madjid has statedthat, "For that purpose, akind ofpartnership in discussion is very important that is the partner ship which means that discussion should be on the basis of dialogue, not monolog.In the developmental and complex system, the emergence ofthe system which accommodate opposition is indeed very normal.Inthis case, ofcourse, the right is the so called 'loyal opposition' that is opposition for gaining the ideas and principles together".^'Social scientists will haveto reorient their research in their own countries.
These are some ofthe dilemmas that intellectuals in many parts ofthe Third World face in performing their functions.This essay has brought out the complexities of their relationship to power, to reason, to tradition, to nation and community of origin as well as to dissent.The self-restraint that grows from deeper awareness of these dilemmas does not necessarily diminish the strength or the depth of the intellectuals' commitment or reduce their willingness to struggle.^T he impossibility of finding clear and unambiguous answers to the dilemmas that they face has led to greater sobriety and greater realism.To win the fight against stagnation requires not only courage and tenacity but intelligent flexibility and a deep and sympathetic understanding of one's own society.
Intellectuals cannot fail to be aware of the wholly political nature of their commitment and of the need for political engagement.The nature of their political roles remains a matter of personal and subjective choice for each.Whether this role should be an evolutionary or a revolutionary one depends ^M,p.17.
"The role inchanging perceptions may be more decisive inputting acountry ontheroad to development than thequestion ofwho orwhat combination offorces wins office.The basic concern and responsibility of intellectuals is the modernization of politics as a prelude to the depoliticization ofmodernization.In performing this function, they will have to operate onanational level, inthecommunal framework, as well as inthearea of transcommunal relationships".^' Finally, hubris is commonly perceived to be an affliction of intellectuals the world over.But intellectuals in developing societies have come to realize too vividly thestrength ofthe irrational forces involved in theprocess ofnation building for them to beable to afford the luxury ofarrogance.The answers to seek to give to these problems will not prevent them from arising again in different forms.
Still, intellectuals keep throwing stones intothestream.Big or small, these stones will disappear with scarcely a ripple, without influence on the course of rushing water.Intellectuals are bound to keep on tossing their pebbles or boulders, for it is not success or failure that is the measure of the meaning of a person's life.If this statement summons up echoes of the Bhagavad Gita, it is not entirely inappropriate for a modernizing intellectual ofa developing nation to be deeply aware that it is within the stream of historical continuity that he fulfills hisdestiny.^®Really, it isquitebetter for intellectuals to be outside ofthe government andnot having hubris.The most imponantforintellectuals istheir integrity and encouragement to serve humanity.

D. CorruptioruBetweenMoralandPoliticalForces
Gunnar Myrdal, theSwedish economist, thewinner ofNoble Prize, putIndo nesia asthe softstateamongdeveloping countries in SouthernAsia.This designa tion is uncomfortable to ears,so that it becomes controversy and polemic in the coimtry.But, it isnot mistaken to study again thepurpose ofMyrdal's evaluation as a mirror in searching the facts, without ignoring important stigmas in the contro versyandthe polemic mentioned.^Âccording to Myrdal, 'soft' isavoiding social discipline.Without social disci pline, thedevelopment willfind serious difficulties andeverything willcenainly be delayed.Whatthewritermeans with avoiding social discipline isweakness andarbi trariness which is misused -to attain" private benefit-by people who have eco- nomic, social, and political power.Atthe same time, the opportunity to misuse in big measurement is only ready for high class.But, the low class often gets smaller opportunity.Therefore, it is stated that corruption is fundamentdly nothing but one specific manifestation ofthe soft state.Dealing with the cor ruption, he stated, "For a while, one party in a country expands proven difficult to rational introduction, advantage motive and market behavior into life sector which is in that life seaor of a countrygoes forward to the motive ofwalking -that isin business environment -at others in the reality also difficult to vanish thepersonal advantage motive in sector which isin a country goes forward isgenerally eroded bythatisenvironment ofcommon power and responsibility." If it is true thatjer basuki mawa beya (every success has its cost), so as one of the cost becomes independent country is to change the colonial staff with its own to arrange this country arid it means to change an expert and experienced staff with non expert and less experienced one.The conditions of non expert and less experienced have result to decrease the efficiency.Decreasing the effi ciency that function to lack of ability is the same meaning with decreasing the produaivity.Decreasing theproductivity iswalking together with personal in crease, and on this order, together with descending of the salary if measured from the real values.
Connected with the habit of administration operation 'in order to wis dom' (discretionary) and added with politicians after independent held impor tant position because they have power, descending the salary state staffin real value join to open the door to corruption practical.So, corruption must be seen from dynamic angle.In connection with this,Myrdal with specific method called Indonesia as an ordinary country that free from corruption in Dutch period.But, later, after the independence, it became the corrupt country.This faa connected with Mahatma Gandhi's statement, "How oftenthe oppressed, through struggle against the grinder, becomes and lookslike the grinder, andafterobtaining the victory, the lateoppressed, in turn, changes to bethe grinder.""In Nietzsche's opinion, corruption was a falling season of a country'.In the corrupt society, those who avoid corruption were regarded stupid.For a decade, maybe fromJapanese period, Indonesian people lived with corruption, although it was aclear deviant behavior.Political corruption could betyrannical, betrayal or subversive, but it also couldbe a lobbyism, buying votes, dishonest " Siswanto Masruri (2005), Hunuznitarianisme, Soedjatmoko, VisiKemanusiaanKontemporer, Yogyakarta:Pilar Media,p.209. in general election, and patronage.So, corruption is naturally losing of loyal capability either to people, state, rules, or other ethical principles.On the other hand, economic corruption could be understood as using position for individual importance and upgrading their financial income.People can buy position and live from the tip, bribe, and nepotism.To get any facilities, licenses, even though an ordinary service, people need to bribe.Gifter (active bribe) and receiver (passive bribe) are admitted as acorrupt action so that corruption and corruptor expanded andtyrannized." As soft state, corruption in Indonesia expanded systematically and grew on the strength.Hence, corruption in this country referred with the systematic corruption.Form of this wickedness is difficult to prove and expanded in line with economic, law, and political power.Consequently, there are some intellectuals having an opinion that tackling integratedly is byimproving and repairing the existing system.So, the maximum effort for maintaining law, especially the eradication of corruption, should use the systematic approach.
Hereinafter, speaking about corruption in context with elimination, hence it can be said that corruption represents something beyond the law for it is very difficult toverify.This time, some ofjudge inAppellate Court are also incurred by its rubber because alleged to conduct the corruption (the case of Probosutedjo).This happened because ofsome factors, for example power and its strength of economic power.Systematic approach to eradicate corruption has in line with the opinion ofLawrence M. Friedman in his book, American Law: WhatisLegal System.
The systematic approach covers the re-evaluation, reposition, and structural renewal, substantive law, and cultural law as a mirror of ethics and integrity.This approach should be implemented because corruption in Indonesia cannot be told as executive problem, but have cleared away far to other political institution: legislative, judicative, KPU, and other institutions.Therefore, without existence ofpolitical will from political institution, not in narrow and tight meaning of just executive, but also from legislative, judicative, and institution of other politics, hence the result of corruption eradication will be inaccessible.
One ofthestrategies to eliminate and to fight against corruption isgrowing awareness among people that society is now still sick.After that, looking at its symptoms to determine its disease.After recognizing its disease, the way of " Ibid, p. 6. ^^IndriyantoSenoAdji( 2006),"KorupsiSistemik",inSKH/iLomp<a5, ZJanuari, p.6. approach and its medicationshould be searchedfor.Social medicationof course is not easy because there are many faaors andtherapies to determine either the success or its failure.Even, sometimes there isa tendency to letitshealing time, thenoverextending thetime to give a break and to thinkuntil thepeople forget the disease.After reaching the critical step, the people's care to the disease emerges.It is very seldom that one or somesymptomsare restrained so tend to cure or eliminate the symptom, not eliminating the disease causes.
Because of such complex corruption and in such a way destroyed and yielded impacts, hence, according to Myrdal, there is no way to fight against corruption except the strong political will andgood example ofa leader.Strong political will andleader's good example have to runalong andtogether.Without good example, any exclamation and action of a leader will have never been authoritative, because it is not authentic.On the contrary, if only by good example andwithoutstrong political will of a leader, so the leadership will not be effective.^În general, the special and first strategy in corruption eradication is the total reform (or the subtotal) of all aspects of nation and state, and the most importantismental revitalization.The corruption isalmost flatten andcollapse the moral individually or nationally.Nationalresilience stands up above moral resilience, not above weapon or hardness.This relates to the the protection of imiversal and relative human rights.Justice is a king pillar in straightening humanity.The most fundamental of development is of human being development, not technological development and construction as a target and size measure of efficacy and progress.^The first strategy to face corruption mentioned above is in line with Jawaharal Nehru's opinion.According to Myrdal, people is true to blame him with reference to hisfast corruptionin India.ThoughNehru has goodexample to bring about, because he was really a patriotic and clean leader -but he has not been ready to act coherently the corruption which is known well in his country.The reason is because by yelling corruption loudly, hence the society got an impression wronglyasliving in corrupt environmentsothat verypossibly push the peopleto braveryconductthe corruption.Possibly Nehru was correct, but itsdisinclination to use hispersonal authority andto fulfill the publicdemand "Agama danEtikaBisnis AntaraKemauan Politik danKeteladanan Kepemimpinan" in Elza Peldi Taher (Editor) (1994), Demokratisasi Politik, Budaya dan Ekonomi, Jakarta: Yayasan Paramadina, p. 111.
emphatically to fight against corruption upstairs, as told by a lot of his closest friend is a serious of Nehru's mistake.^Differ from the Nehru isRajaratnamfrom Singapore.This Republic Island is assessed by Myrdal as single from Asian country because of its relative free from corruption and not the inclusive of soft state.Myrdal thinks that the country is asan example the leadership of Rajaratnam, one of the politicalfigure of Singapore.There is an opinion of whereas all experts sayingthat "corruption is not a symptom heap which each other interfere in, but a political system which can be instructed by those who in command with the accuracy storied which can be tolerated."To the opinion which impressing look down to the damage energy of corruption, Rajaratnam expressed, "Butits foundingthat corruption canbe drivenwith the storey level precise which can be tolerated by opposingagainst variousfact as we know in Asia.A system of thief power ^eptocray) will drive himself,whether those who in command want it or do not, toward corruption which progressively mount and finallyup at economicchaos and politics.It has come to the circle life in Asia during two last decades."'®Rajaratnam expressed that matter in its oration as a Minister for Foreign Affairs of Singapore in labor union meeting of Asian Public Servant, entitle, ^Bureaucracy versus Kleptocracy' (Power Against ThiefPower).Because ofblessing ofpolitical will which ossify the leaderlikethat ofRajaratnam in fighting against corruption andadded with hisgoodexample and clean family, hence Singapura finally succeed to own the later clean governance and heighten the spirit of its people to develop.One of the positive impacts is the existence of clean governance through generalization of burden responsibility and sense of justice.Later, on heighten the people to feel having the state and its governance.If brokendown, although unequal, the strategy ofRajaratman couldbe explainable as follows : Firstisthe straightening of law.Obedientat lawhasto represent the second habit.People have to fear to impinge the law thoughthere's nothingto see.The law system and jurisdiction is a place and expectation of the weak.The underestimation, abuse and commercialization of the law is a very hard deterioration.Second, is the effort to peep out the national evocation return.
The matter is important after the nation construction desisted by avaricious and corrupt practices in sentrum of the power.For this needing, there should be political information in and abroad.For the home affairs, it should be paid attention to balance the central government and the provinces (it is better not regency), theflake -under, and social faaionso thatthere are distributive justice, ju^cial, and commutative.Going abroad should be reorientation, realignment, active free political redefinition by paying attention to circumstances of geopolitics and geo-economics based on pursuant to national importance.
Thirdis the effort of straightening democracy as important condition in applying every thing mentioned before.There is no absolute similarities be tween democracy praaiced by various states now, but there is a fundamental element in democracy.For Southern nations, the most important to precise is the applied democracy as have been practiced by developed nations at the be ginning of their early democracy.Fourth, is the economics reform which re quires to be performed after experiencing the excitement crisis and influenced £dl life aspect and almost entire fatherland.Putting all eggs into globalism, America is something very imprecise.Leaders have to manifestly stare at forwards, and how influenced so much factor to an ethnocentric idea of West, oppose against the democracy and aworld ofone butmulticultural.Aworld division for muscle world but not be skillful in doing handwork for the world of brain mastering technology and capital have to beprevented.A world as mentioned first isonly aproducer ofraw and cheap material, and the last yields the finished goods with more values and sold costly.
With thestrategy and reform elaborated above, this nation will cure thedis ease andeliminate its causes, creating morecivil society compatible with prosper ity, justice, humanism, and democracy.Thereby, theywill be more settle toenter the new century expeaed become the century ofpeople and peace.Civilized society has some fundamental characteristics, for example, people ismore important than state, people has enough information, can choose better their proxies todetermine the policy which is concerning importance ofthe people and tranquility.That proxy form the governance andbothare responsible to people.Nextcharaaeristic is looking after ofthetrilateral prosperity, justice, conti nuity.Above the trilateral that can be developed by an endless peace.Inthis case, thenation-state still beneeded, though subdividing supranational will happen, bal ancedwith the freedomof ethnicalfaction who have identity expression and mi nority.Rights ofhuman being have tobe known and under the aegis ofgovernment and society.Individual rights have to be made balance by collective rights.Big target ofhuman being is improving the prestige and degree ofhuman being, so that human being tomorrow have to better than yesterday and these days.^' T. Ya'cob, op.cit, p.7;see also, Robert Klitgaard ( 2001), Controlling Corruption, trans latedinto Indonesian, Membasmi Korupsi, Jakarta; Yayasan Obor Indonesia, p. 9.

E. Concluding Remark
Intellectuals are those who-with or withoutcertain academic backgroimd, have ability to create something, understand knowledge, and implement it in theirideas, in the whole aspects of life symbolically, rationally, creatively, inde pendently, and be responsible for their essential and basic values of life.Cre ativity should be the most important thing dealing with the notion of intelleauals.They could be classified into two: (1) who creates culture, (2) who imple ments culture, or (1) who are always dissatisfied, (2) who are always satisfied.
Through this classification, intellectuals have serious dilemmas between their involvement in moralforces and political ones.In the colonial era, intelleauals involved more in morality than in politics.But after independence, they much involvedin political power.Since then, the deviation and distortion of intellec tuals occured.Whatever their argument, it is better for intellectuals to lie out side of power and government.
Empirically, thestatement ofLordActon that 'power tends to corrupt, but absolute power corrupts absolutely' is indeed forpoHticians andauthority hunters, not for intelleauals, cultural observers, and moralists.Some cases of the Indone sian intellectuals who involved in corruption were caused by their ignorance of theirown dilemmas.At least, there are two main systematic strategies of some intellectuals andpohticians to wipe out corruption inIndonesia: First, Nehru Strat egy which applies totally themoral forces through mental revitalization and good examples.Second, the Rajaratman Strategywhich consistently implements poUtical powers by law enforcement, nationalismor national stabilization,democraticde velopment, andeconomic reformation.Wallahua'lambial-sawab.
on the particular situation each one faces.^®Despite intellectuals have confused fascination with power, they should not lose themselves entirely inwaging the political battles ofthe day.It is clear that their most important, most enduring contributions lie in changing the nation's perception of the problems it faces ." Ibid.f p. 10; The prediction ofSoedjatmoko and thephenomenon have really occurred in Indonesianowadays.^Nurcholish Madjid (1997), Tradisi Islam, Peran dan Fungsinya dalam Pembangunan di In^nesia, Jakarta: Paramadina, p. 225.