THE REINVIGORATION OF PESANTREN : The Social and Political Role of KyaiaoA Wama in the Dutch Colonial Era

Dalam sejarah Indonesia, pesantren sebagai suatu institusi lembaga pendidikan tradisional Islam, tidak diragukan lagi, telah memainkan peranan yang signifikan dalam membentuk karakter budaya perlawanan terhadap kaum penjajah yang bercokol di negeri int. Banyak kajian telah dilakukanuntuk itu, dan paper ini merupakan salah satu yang berupaya menguji signifikansi peranan pesantren di Indonesia pada masa kolonial, khususnya pada inspirasi keagamaan,jaringan dan motivasi politis, yang digunokan oleh para pemimpin keagamaan (kyai) dalam menghadapi kebijakan politik pemerintahan Belanda. Berdasarkan berbagai deskripsi, penulis akhirnya menyepakati bahwa pesantren, dengan segenap strukturyang ada di dalamnya seperti kyai, santri, dan kitab kuning, telah memberikan inspirasi yang banyak dalamperlawanan terhadap kebijakankultural danpolitispenjajah Belanda.


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9-U ^j^Uasll yj J (3 OLmmiJLI dJLe> ^dlb jilJ tOlajialt iULwi J j 0 LtfLwJl Jak^l ja (J ^Ulhll JJ j» Jaas-pJ J ^(3 ijLb^sJl uJljjSadl y jji^l ^UsP^Uj A. Introduction i In the history of traditional Islam in Indonesia, pesantren (Islamic traditional school), which is called by Martin van Bruinessen as 'the great tradition,'' has a significant role in changing and influencing strongly the social, economic, and political circumstances through the cultural struggle.
Some protest movements held by farmer society in the 19"^and 20''' centuries were commonly initiated and led by kyais^the charismatic person from pesantren or who held tarekat's network.^Therefore,Pegeaud and de Graaf explained that pesantren was the second number of Islamic center after mosque {masjid)^inthe early 16"* century.
The strategic position of kyai in such movement has been supported by dyadic structure between teacher and student (guru-murid), kyai and santri, or, in general, between patron and client.Linked to this role, Robert W. Hefner states that in the colonial-era pesantren were also important because they provided the trans-local network for native authority apart from state.In Java and Sumatra, graduates of these schools led many of the movements of pre-nationalist anti-colonialism.'*This paper, therefore, attempts to examine the role of Indonesian Islamic traditional schools at the colonial era, especially the religious inspiration, network and political motivation, which were tremendously used by religious leader (kyai) for facing some Dutch's political policies.In this context, the examination would historically be supported by few cases indicating the reinvigoration of Islamic traditional education, whether by the role of pesantren in Java or other religious institutions in the Malay Peninsula.

B. Pesantren and Tarekat
Pesantren^originally is from the word ^pesantrian\ the place for santri.Santri or student commonly received the.Islamic teaching from the pesantren's leader (kyai) or Islamic teacher (ulama or ustadz).Its materials consist of number Islamic knowledge.Other opinions state that such 'Martin van Bruinessen, 1999, Kitab Kuning: Pesantren dan Tarekat, Bandung;Mizan, third edition, p. 17. ^Fur further discussion about the social and political mobility of Kyai in Indonesia, see Abdul Djamil, 2001, Perlawanan Kiai Desa: Pemikiran dan Gerakan Islam K.H. Ahmad Rifai Kalisalak Yogyakarta: LKiS; lik Arifm Mansumoor, 1990, Islam in  •'Robert W. Heftier, Civil Islam: Muslims and Democratization in Indonesia, (New Jersey: educational system roots to the pre-Islamic era, and has the similar form to the Buddha and Hinduism tradition in the sense of asrama^and mandala.T he term 'pesantreif was well known inJava.It was calledjawiyah or dayah and meunasah in Aceh,^surau in Minangkabau, orpondok in Malay land.
Several scholars commonly associated pesantren with the tarekat.
Therefore, pesantren^with the hyai as a leader or organizer, mainly prepares the young to cope with their immediate future in social life.It enables them to undertake active and acceptable participation in various societal roles without neglecting the more distance future, the hereaffer.Tarekat {thariqah,-Sufi order), on the other hand, prepares the ages to cope with that immediate future.It attempts to secure for followers, safety and well being in the hereafter, once they feel that their worldly life is close to its end.In addition, thetarekat attempts to open heavens to the public.It is a way to ensure equity of opportunity for entry the paradise between religiously knowledgeable individuals and laymen, and between the rich and the poor.^Tarekat is usually associated with the tasawwuf.The objective of joining a tarekat comes after a commitment to the sufi ways {tasawwuf) is taken by means of cleansing the heart {tasyfiyat al-qalb).In practice, tasawwuf is a strict adoption of the Islamic precept through observant of both obligatory and recommended religious work for attaining God's favor.The statements above supported by Bruinessen, who said that the main reason of the arisen of pesantren was transmitting Islamic tradition, as the same as covered and written for long centuries in the number of classical books which had been learned in pesantren as an orthodoxy {al-kutub almu'tabarat).These Islamic classical books prominently are known as 'yellow books' {kitab kuning).In connection to the classical books, there were few paradoxes of pesantren tradition.On the one side, its characteristic was special Indonesian culture, because the pondok pesantren can be classified as the certain Indonesian Islamic education.Although, it was a traditional Islamic educational, but in some aspects, distinguished from various traditional Islamic educational institutions in other Islamic countries.
On the other side, at the same time, it had international oriented, with Mecca as the center, not Indonesia.Of course, the 'yellow books' tradition was not from Indonesia.All of classical books were in Arabic and part of them written before the spreading of Islam in Indonesia.
From religious perspective, pesantren is a kind of place for studying and learning Islamic classical books, and, some how, as a place in which intensification of religious worship could be practiced.Another important point of the Islamic development in Indonesia is its role as the center of religious thought.'^Therewere several books should be examined in pesantren such as nahw-sharf ^Arabic grammatical^, Jiqh (Islamic law), aqd'id (Islamic theology^, tasawwuf (Sufism), tafsir (Quranic exegesis), hadits (Islamic tradition), and Arabic.
As an Islamic traditional school, according to Taufik pesantren and its internal activities and theological commitment, should appropriately be understood from three interconnected aspects: firstly, of course, internal aspect of pesantren, in which kyai had a significant position.In seeing this aspect, we will face several matters such as the biography of the founder {kyai), educational system, special skill, and the social and political engage of pesantren.Secondly, pesantren's networks, between the 'major' {pesantren induk) and the 'minor' {pesantren cabang), which was established by ex students or graduations of the pesantren.Such networking, however, could not vertically be explained, because before establishingpesantren, the students predominantly had learned and studied in some pesantren with the various kyais.One thing, above all, to be considered is the horizontal relation among ex-students (graduations) and their theological orientation.Thirdly, the cultural and theological connection between pesantren and the community around certain regions are significantly influencing the dynamic of socio-political environment oipesantren.
In the Javanese pesantren, one of the prominent pesantren that linked to the tarekat was pesantren Buntet.According to A. G. Muhaimin, pesantren Buntet gives homage to two, the Shattariyyah, which came earlier and the Tijdniyyah, which came later.Both belong to tarekat Mu'tabarah (accepted tarekat).This pesantren is acclaimed as one of the oldest in Java.It was In addition, Syekh Burhanuddin, one of the famous Islamic leaders in Minangkabau, certainly in Ulakan Pariaman, used the surau as a place for praying and, at the same time, spreading tarekat {suluk\ certainly tarekat Shattariah.This institution had productively resulted several Minangkabau's ulamas.Some of them went to Mecca for studying Islam, and then, after coming back, they made new surau facilitating their religious and theological orientation, or practicing tarekat.The great ulama, for instance, which had ever studied at Surau Ulakan was Tuanku Mansiang Nan Tuo {Surau Paninjauan), Tuanku Nan Kacik {Surau Koto Gedang).Both, later on,resulted new ulama.One of the prominent ulama in Minangkabau was Tuanku Nan Tuo from Koto Tuo.,'"* Related to the description above, in the Colonial era, which produced some political and social policies in the sense of Christian or West culture, the kyai or ulama had highly given critical responses.Such responses are expressed by the kyai ofpesantren in Java or ulama ofsurau in Minangkabau based on their attitudes, behavior, and ideological or theological orientation in the sense of implementing the Islamic values.Thus, the situation, some how, resulted the tension between kyailulama and the Colonial officers.

C. Kyai/Ulama and Dutch Colonial: A Tension
As well as explained before that the kyailulama placed the highest level in the structure of the traditional Islamic educational institution, or, using Hiroko Horikoshi term,'^kyailulama has been placed by their followers as the first hierarchy of the believe system.Almost the tensions occurred between Muslim community and Dutch officers in the colonial era, whether in political, cultural, or social field, were led by kyai.
In addition, the Dutch officers had identified some reasons to successfully colonize Java and Malay Peninsula, especially to marginalize the role of religious institution and organize the political and social sources systematically against pesantren^s cultural-political responses.The famous Dutch scholars, Snouck Hurgronje, categorized and, at the same time, distinguished between 'worship', social activities, and politics among Muslim society, as tools to conceptualize his Islam polity.In relation to his duty as Dutch officers, he gave consideration for the Dutch officers to understand a religious life model of Indonesia Muslim.Firstly, the religious worship and other system of believe of Muslim should strongly be supported by Dutch policies.Secondly, the social life of Muslim should not be marginalized.But, thirdly, the political dimension of Islam had to abolished.Although these notions strategically inspired the Dutch officers on the one hand, but on the on the hand such perception was not in accordance with the fact.Because the Muslim community had no distinguished between religion and politics.'Therefore, the position of religious and educational institution, including pesantren, and their role as an independent community, had opportunities to make social reform based on their teaching.As well as describe before that pesantren enables santri to undertake active and acceptable participation in various societal roles without neglecting the more distance future, the hereafter.The political dimension, which was strategically making them survive, neglected by hyai to be intervened.*^Suchsituations have increasingly been continued by kyai or ulama frompesantren at the present time in engaging the political interest with their own religious mission.So, the connection between religion and politics could not be separated by Muslim community, or using Collins terms, the relation between religion and its follower is very complex by means religion is really economics, politics is really religion, and economics is really religion.'^Besides,such circumstance arises as a problem only in nations, which are not religiously homogenous,*l ike Indonesia.Therefore, it would be elaborated by some cases of the description below.
In the sense of Dutch's political and social policies, the important role of kyai was proved by the case of Cimareme Tragedy', in Priangan.^*^HajiHasan, as a religious leader, was the son of Kyai Tubagus Alpani, the head of pesantren in Cimareme.Hasan's early education was a Santri (student of the pesantren) at his father's own pesantren.Latter on, Haji Hasan had expressed his hatred of the Dutch colonial government since he was young.His father was always insistent on avoiding any kind of cooperation with the colonials.
Hasan himself became involved in a conflict with a Dutch controller.When the Cimareme people were forced to work for the government, building a road between Sindanglaon and Cibudug.He was irritated by the rude attitude of the controller toward the indigenous citizens.On another occasion, he also rejected the government's offer of a position as a formal religious leader in the local office.Such a rude response was very unlike from lay propel.Those who were economically and politically dependent upon the government would at least have made certain compromises.However, Hasan, with the social support that he had, whether on the basis of his traditional status of his leadership capability, could state his rejection and resistance toward the powerful colonial government.Of course Hasan's through line against the government was also sustained by other factors.As a religious leader, he had good communication with his people trough religious language.The idea of Perang Sabil, which then became the main ideology of the movement, strengthened the pervasive influence of Hasan's leadership and, at the same time, affirmed his self reliance.His position as traditional elite member also enables him able to lead the people and to face local officers as well as the colonial officers.
Besides, in critical response to the Dutch western and Christian cultural behavior could be seen in the case of Kyai Muqayim of Pesantren Buntet.Opposing the Dutch intrusion into the internal affairs of the kraton^and seeing the some kraton dignitaries subserviently fall into the embrace of Dutch role (some of them even exhibited behavior which was against the syari'ah such as dancing and drinking alcohol).Mbah Muqayim left his position in the kraton and went to a village in favor of living outside the kraton wall.
In addition, the most well-known and patriotic large-scale rebellion launched by the Muslim against Dutch colonial authorities in the 19^^century were the Padri War (1821-1837) in West Sumatra, the Diponegoro War (1825-1930) in Central Java, and Aceh War (1873-1912)   This phenomena is not surprising us, with the reason that-borrowing lik Arifin Mansumoor-the religious figures, especially those directly involved in organizing village religion and education, seem to have won the villagers' sympathy as potential independerit leaders.^'^Although the ulama generally never independently raised arms, they succeeded in making themselves the covert internal critics of the unwelcome propagators of the enforced change.

D. Concluding Remark
From the description above, we can say that the traditional Islamic educational institutions, including the internal structure of them {pesantren, surau, pondok, jawiyah, meunasah, etc.) that consist of fyai, santri^and the classical Islamic books (kitab kuning) had given more inspiration for struggling the Dutch policies culturally and politically.The reinvigoration of pesantren!surau could be seen in the case of a tension between kyai/ulama with the Dutch officers.Through their religious views, kyai/ulama campaigned strictly the social and political consciousness of Indonesian people, especially in appreciating the indigenous right's of Indonesian people.Some of them, attempted to counter the Dutch policy using weapon (war), and another part using cultural awareness of Islamic society as the tools for facing Dutch colonial.So, the kyai/ulama had covered several cases relating to the existence of traditional Islamic education institution and political anomaly, during the colonial period and afterwards.
in northern part of Sumatra.^'Commonly, all such movements were supported morally by religious inspiration and politically by traditional Islamic educational institution.^^PeterCarey, for.example, in his speech, ''^Kaum Santri dan Perang Jawa", at 10^April 1979 in the Oxford University, stated that he found about 108 kyaU 31 haji, 15 syekh, 12 Court Religious Officials (Penghulu) of Yogyakarta, and 4 Religious Teachers (ustadz) who